Many of you have heard my story, welcome. To those who haven’t or are just here researching the events of January 6th… Welcome.

On January 20, 2021, I was arrested at gunpoint by around thirty armed FBI agents, Joint Terrorism Task Force officers, and NYPD personnel. As I was heading out of my apartment to grab a bacon, egg, and cheese sandwich on a hard roll, with a dash of hot sauce, and a black coffee, I was suddenly taken aback. Several men in camouflage BDUs, heavily armed, wearing body armor, yelled commands at me, pointing military grade weapons at my head while sprinting towards me.

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They acted as if they were arresting an ISIS terror cell, or a jihadist, instead of an unarmed patriot walking to get a breakfast sandwich early in the morning in Manhattan.

They ordered me to lie down, secured my hands with zip ties, and then told me to stand up. They placed a COVID-19 N95 mask on my face. Glancing over my right shoulder, I spotted a young blonde woman in a ground-floor apartment. Her expression was chilling, with one of the most wicked, sinister smiles I have ever encountered. She was holding her cell phone, filming me with one hand, while her other hand was poised near her mouth, twisted into a Cheshire Cat-like grin.

I couldn’t imagine why anyone would be smiling at something like this.

Despite my distress, they drove me to the FBI building in downtown Manhattan. There, they processed me into their database, took my fingerprints, scanned my retinas, collected a urine sample, and then led me to the interrogation room.

The lead agent entered, and I immediately recognized her from the day of my arrest. Her name is Katherine Angulo. I remembered her peering out from behind the Joint Terrorism Task Force members, smirking as I was taken into custody at gunpoint.

Simultaneously they began completely destroying my friends apartment where I was temporarily staying while I was researching a red state to move to after Covid, The George Floyd Riots, and Democrats policy decisions had destroyed any possibility of me living in New York City.

They also destroyed my truck and all of my possessions which were in the truck. More on that later.

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I want to highlight some research I’ve conducted in response to this unjust raid. I consulted various sources, including Google, Grok (X’s AI), and Google’s AI Gemini, asking, “Apart from the January 6 cases, has there ever been an armed search and arrest warrant issued for misdemeanors of any kind?” My charges were under 18 U.S.C. § 1752 for disorderly conduct and entering and remaining on restricted grounds.

In American history, there has never been a JTTF, FBI, NYPD, or any federal raid conducted for a misdemeanor.

I consulted Grok and Google’s AI, which indicated that the typical procedure for issuing misdemeanor charges involves a summons. Generally, an agent or process server delivers the summons to the defendant, requiring them to appear in court to address the charges.

Before January 6th, a full militarized raid on someone’s home for misdemeanor charges had never occurred.

I inquired with Grok about the constitutional violations this led to, and it provided a satisfactory response, which I will share below.

If law enforcement conducts a raid on someone’s home for a misdemeanor and it’s later proven that the action was tainted by police misconduct, several constitutional rights might be violated:

1. Fourth Amendment – Protection Against Unreasonable Searches and Seizures:
   • The Fourth Amendment states:
     • “The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”
   • A raid without a legitimate basis, especially one influenced by misconduct, could be deemed an “unreasonable search and seizure.” Misconduct such as planting evidence, lying to secure a warrant, or executing a warrant with excessive force or outside its scope would directly contravene this amendment.
2. Fourteenth Amendment – Due Process Clause:
   • The Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment ensures that no state shall “deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.”
   • Misconduct that leads to an unjust raid could be seen as a violation of procedural due process, where the individual is not treated according to the law or is subjected to arbitrary actions.
3. Fifth Amendment – Protection Against Self-Incrimination and Double Jeopardy:
   • While less directly applicable to the raid itself, if the misconduct involves coercing confessions or other self-incriminating evidence, this amendment might come into play. Additionally, if charges are dropped due to misconduct but then re-filed inappropriately, there could be issues with double jeopardy.
4. Sixth Amendment – Right to a Fair Trial:
   • Misconduct that taints evidence or the procedure could compromise the right to a fair trial, including rights to an impartial jury and the confrontation of witnesses.

Legal Consequences:

• Suppression of Evidence: If misconduct is proven, any evidence obtained from the raid could be suppressed under the “fruit of the poisonous tree” doctrine, which excludes evidence derived from illegal searches or seizures.
• Civil Rights Lawsuits: The individual could potentially sue under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 for violations of their civil rights, claiming damages for the unconstitutional conduct.
• Internal Discipline or Criminal Charges: Officers involved in misconduct might face internal disciplinary actions or even criminal charges depending on the severity of their actions.
• Dismissal of Charges: If the misconduct is severe and directly related to the basis for the raid or subsequent charges, this could lead to dismissal of the charges.

When such misconduct is uncovered, the legal process might involve motions to suppress evidence, hearings on the validity of the search, and potentially, appeals if initial judicial decisions do not address the misconduct appropriately.

At any rate, Special Agent Katherine Angulo and her goons brought me in the vehicle down to the FBI building where they paraded me through the lobby of the FBI and into the elevator.

They processed me by fingerprinting me, scanning my retinas, and taking urine for a drug test.

She began interrogating me on camera.

Having never encountered legal trouble and lacking expertise as a criminal or civil rights advocate, I was unaware of the crucial importance of not speaking to law enforcement. I didn’t realize that their intention is often to use your statements against you to pursue the harshest penalties and sentences possible, and that no benefit comes from engaging in conversation with them.

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I wasn’t aware that I should have invoked my 5th Amendment privilege to avoid self-incrimination and requested a lawyer.

I was informed of the charges: two misdemeanors—disorderly conduct and entering and remaining on restricted grounds.

18 U.S.C. § 1752 of Title 18, Crimes and Criminal Procedure. Disorderly conduct charge description.

-Obstructing vehicular or pedestrian traffic

-Engaging in fighting, threatening, or violent behavior

-Using obscene, threatening, or menacing language or gestures

-Making unreasonable noise

-Creating a hazardous or physically offensive condition

-Disturbing a lawful assembly or meeting

And…

18 U.S.C. § 1752: Entering and remaining on restricted grounds.

–Illegal actions: Knowingly entering or remaining in a restricted building or grounds without lawful authority, engaging in disorderly or disruptive conduct within such areas to impede government functions, obstructing ingress or egress, or committing acts of physical violence against persons or property on restricted grounds. 

Intent requirement:The law requires proof that the individual knowingly entered or remained on restricted grounds and had the intent to disrupt government business if engaging in disorderly conduct. 

In a future article, I’ll delve into the legal jargon and address the charges by examining their definitions. In this piece, however, I aim to stay focused, as there is a lot of territory to explore.

Upon hearing about these charges, I felt relieved, assuming that misdemeanors are not serious offenses.

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They escorted me to a virtual Zoom call with the magistrate judge. My hands were cuffed in front of me, a COVID mask was placed on my face, and FBI agents stood behind me as if I were a trophy from their hunt. The prosecutor, with an unnerving intensity, alleged that the firearms found during the raid suggested I was planning to assassinate Joe Biden on January 20th, the day of his inauguration.

I found it astonishing because I had already assumed the FBI had wiretapped my phone, scrutinized my seized electronics, and tracked my movements via GPS.

By this point, they surely understood that I was just a Trump supporter sharing my views on the government, exploring conspiracy, and posting my findings online. I had no plans to commit crimes, nor did I intend to collaborate with others in any unlawful or subversive activities.

Despite all that, it was entirely ignored, and I found myself spiraling out of control in a Kafkaesque magistrate hearing.

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He reviewed notes from my blog where I expressed my thoughts on pedophilia and its troubling presence in Washington, DC. During the bail hearing, as he read my words, I felt a sense of pride. I thought, “Surely, the judge will appreciate my efforts to speak out against the pedophiles in government.”

I was completely mistaken; they denied me bail, threatened harsher charges, and escorted me through the heavy steel doors into the notorious MCC.

This was my first experience in jail, leaving me dazed and numb. It felt like a never-ending nightmare every time I opened my eyes. My reality was inverted—sleep became my sanctuary, while waking hours turned into my nightmare.

I won’t delve deeply into prison experiences in this article, as I spent 34 months across 13 different facilities. I’ll explore those experiences in detail in future articles.

“In the place of my pain, I felt the stirring of determination. I would not give up. I would not turn myself in. No matter what the Nazis did to me, no matter what they took from me, I would survive.” Alan Gratz

Initially, they placed me in the bullpen, an intense experience that introduced me to fully indoctrinated federal inmates. This first encounter left a lasting impression on me. Yet, it was merely the beginning.

They offered me a phone call, I denied it. I didn’t want my family to know about what had happened. I wanted to just deal with it on my own.

Then they locked me in the SHU, the top floor of MCC.

The cell was disgusting, blood, feces, hair, vomit was everywhere. There were no cleaning supplies offered.

I was freezing, I had been stripped out of my clothes and was wearing a jumper with boxers, a t-shirt, socks, and thin ‘jackie chan’ prison shoes.

I then was forced through the psychological torture of adapting to solitary confinement.

On the second and third day, the jail guards and the FBI began torturing me. The FBI came into the unit with 30 men, and began telling me I was going to do life in prison, they showed me pictures of the horrible things the news media was writing and printing.

The liutenant and the capitain of MCC particularly the spanish lady, were so nasty to me and disrespectful, that my level of resentment begins to peak even just reflecting on it here.

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The FBI then came back in on the third or fourth day, a young kid in a vest with the word ‘psychiatrist’ came in and began trying to get information out of me.

It cannot be understated how much of a joke the FBI is. They at one time, were likely decent police, but they are charicatures of what real police are capable of. The majority of the FBI agents that I dealt with were effiminate men like the ‘psychiatrist,’ or silly women like Angulo that came across as unprofessional, and unthreatening.

They were usually backed up by militarized police like the JTTF or some hardened beat cops.

Regardless, I told him to go away.

I suffered immensely in solitary, and then was shipped off to Simmaron oklahoma. Which is the federal transfer location. I witnessed incredible violence here, and was forced to join the white car. More on this location later.

After 5 weeks, I was transferred to virginia county for the night, and then to the DC Gulag.

I spent about a week in the DC gulag before learning that I was being extradicted to NYC to face gun charges based upon the raid of my home.

I was released from federal detention on my own recognizance and into the custody of the NYPD.

The NYPD officers who came to get me openly advocated that they were supportive of me, and the j6ers. Which I appreciated. They made the booking process seamless, and openly disrespected Special Agent Angulo and the NYPD weakling who was assisting her.

In fact here’s everyone involved with my case.

Investigation

• The NYPD’s Detective Dominick Vasaturo was part of the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTFF) that investigated Fisher’s case. 
• Investigators used videos of Fisher brandishing weapons to establish that the weapons found in his home and car were his. 
• The FBI searched Fisher’s apartment and car and found a variety of firearms, high capacity magazines, and a rifle laser scope. 

Prosecution 

Alvin Bragg is the District Attorney of Manhattan.

• Assistant District Attorney David Stuart handled the prosecution of Fisher’s case.
• The prosecution was supervised by Assistant District Attorneys Michael Ohm, Judy Salwen, and Jodie Kane.

Sentence

• Fisher was sentenced to prison for his involvement in the Capitol riot. 
• Judge Robert Mandelbaum sentenced Fisher, reminding him of the seriousness of his crime. 

Here’s a little bit on Bragg and how he chose to prosecute me over repeat violent offenders and illegal aliens.

This is from the Daily Mail

Progressive Manhattan DA Alvin Bragg downgraded staggering SIXTY PERCENT of felony cases to lesser charges last year – amid fury over criminals being repeatedly released to roam streets of Big Apple

• The DA downgraded 938 felonies to misdemeanors or lesser felonies in 2023
• He has secured convictions in 52 percent of most serious cases during time in office
• Bragg has stated he will only seek jail time in most severe cases 

Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg has downgraded a staggering 60 percent of felony cases to lesser charges in the last year, data from his office shows.

The progressive DA reduced 938 of the most serious charged in 2023, 834 of which were brought down to misdemeanors.

Under Bragg, the percentage of felonies downgraded has increased to 60 – up from 53% percent under his predecessor. Bragg’s team defended the figures stating the office’s performance is on a par with other New York boroughs and higher when it comes to felony convictions.

These two beauties above here are on the left are Waseem Awawdeh and Saadiq Teague on the right.

Awawdeh seen wearing a Palestine shirt here, was part of a gang assault on a jewish man in times square where he beat him with a group of palestinian friends with a metal cane. Simply for being jewish. He said as reported by the NY Post article sourced above, “I would do it again.”

Bragg reduced the charges to a misdemeanor, resulting in a six-month prison sentence.

Teague’s situation is more pertinent to my case. As seen above on the right, he posted “Fuck New York” and other profanity-filled rants just before his arrest, revealing his violent and unstable nature.

He faced the same charge as I did—Criminal Possession of a Weapon in the Second Degree—despite the fact that my rifle was securely stored in a case at an apartment while I went out for a sandwich. In contrast, he was carrying it on the train with a gas mask in his bag.

Bragg ultimately dropped his charges and later was shot and killed in a gang-related shootout, mirroring the fate of his father in Ohio. See the linked article above.

I plan to write more in-depth articles on Alvin Bragg’s selective prosecution and the workings of his office in the future.

Bragg initially requested a $400,000 bail and a 15-year prison sentence for me. We negotiated the bail down to $250,000, which allowed me to bond out.

From March 2021 to April 2022, I worked tirelessly seven days a week as a mover and handyman. During this time, I was unable to share anything online or defend myself publicly, as any statements could be used against me in my impending sentencing.

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My phone was constantly tapped, text messages read, and FBI agents probably followed me at all times.

My New York lawyer seemed more focused on lecturing me about the wrongness of owning a gun in the state, implying that if I were an inner-city criminal, I might have escaped charges entirely, as many reportedly do under Bragg. Additionally, the fees they charged were exorbitant.

I was advised not to discuss legal fees in detail, but I must express that, looking back, the fees we paid for a plea deal felt excessively high.

In January 2021, finding genuine legal advocacy for a Trump supporter, particularly a January 6 defendant, was nearly impossible in New York City.

We hired a Democrat psychiatrist who reviewed my history and provided a diagnosis to present to the judge, aiming for a reduced sentence. Unfortunately, since I wasn’t an inner-city career criminal or an illegal immigrant, this effort proved ineffective.

I chaired an Alcoholics Anonymous meeting and attended church weekly. In my new app-based jobs, I earned over 700 four and five-star reviews.

None of it mattered. Because in my opinion, I was a “non-minority” Trump supporter with no criminal history.

Just calling it like I see it, and I’ll be backing it up with facts later.

None of it mattered. In my view, I was a Trump supporter without a criminal record, identifying as a “non-minority.”

Bragg’s ‘Day One’ memo pledged to stop prosecuting or sentencing individuals to prison for numerous offenses, including second-degree criminal possession of a weapon. For more details, check out this report from the New York Post, and access the Day One Memo directly.

He followed through on that. Here’s a brief legal update from City Journal that I will add to the article.

In his now-infamous “Day 1 Memo,” new Manhattan district attorney Alvin Bragg sets out a number of controversial directives, such as non-prosecution of crimes including resisting arrest, trespassing, fare evasion, and prostitution. Bragg’s office would broadly reduce charges for crimes including knifepoint robbery, commercial and some residential burglaries, weapons possession, and “low-level” drug dealing. There will be a presumption of no jail time for almost any crime, and sentences of life without parole will be banned even for cop killers, barring “exceptional circumstances.”

Over the last two years, the number of shooting victims citywide doubled, while car thefts rose 92 percent. Murders rose by almost half in 2020 and then rose again, even as “clearance” rates for murders dropped from 86 percent at the end of 2019 to 46 percent at the end of 2020. In 2021, hate crimes nearly doubled; non-rape sex crimes rose by almost a third. Yet Bragg believes that criminal offenders are less likely to commit more crimes if they avoid jail time or heavy sentencing and get diverted into drug treatment or mental-health programs. His vision of public safety emphasizes sympathetic and trusting treatment of criminals and downplays the risk for future victims.

The article is continued in the link above. Relevant information is reposted here.

After enduring a year of anxiety on bail, facing the threat of 15 years in state prison if I took the case to trial, I found myself before Judge Diane Keisel. Known for her harshness and reputation for berating defendants, she insisted on fast-tracking the trial.

She presented me with a choice: accept a plea deal or face trial, where a conviction seemed inevitable in this unfair case. Feeling pressured, I chose to sign the plea deal, a decision any reasonable person might make. Consequently, Judge Mandlebaum sentenced me to three and a half years in a New York State prison. During the pre-trial conference, the judge questioned why the prosecution wasn’t pursuing the maximum 15-year penalty.

This is absurd because this DA’s office and this judge frequently dismiss gun cases, reduce them to minor felonies, or downgrade them to misdemeanors. As a Trump supporter, I was inevitably subjected to harsh punishment.

I am taken to Rikers Island, where I spend two weeks.

I then embark on an extensive tour to the following prisons.

Ulster Reception (2 weeks)

Governeur (transit)

Cape Vincent Correctional Facility (2 and a half years)

Midstate Correctional (transit)

Marcy (2 Days)

Oneida County (Solitary Confinement)

Delaware County (Solitary Confinement)

FDC Philadelphia 6N (2 months)

During incarceration, individuals can explore opportunities for early release through programs such as work release and the SHOCK military program.

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Alvin Bragg charged me with a violent felony, CPW 2, which initially disqualified me from SHOCK. However, the DA granted me a violent felony overview as part of my plea agreement.

This is an amusing irony because, first, my case involves no victim or violence. Second, if they deemed it necessary to charge me with a violent felony, why would they include a “Violent Felony Overview” in the plea bargain to allow for an earlier release?

Regardless, this was irrelevant because in November 2022, as I neared eligibility for SHOCK and CASAT/Work Release, Judge Carl Nichols from DC sentenced me to an additional four months of incarceration after my state prison term. This decision ultimately disqualified me from participating in SHOCK and Work Release programs.

I conducted legal research and discovered that according to NYCRR DOCCS administrative law regarding Work Release Programs for the Department of Corrections, a letter from the sentencing jurisdiction’s clerk or judge is sufficient to override another detainer or warrant. This allows individuals to participate in productive programs such as SHOCK or Work Release.

I hired another lawyer to attend court in DC and communicate this to Nichols, who seemed receptive during the hearing. He claimed he needed a vehicle to address the issue, although, as a federal judge, he essentially had the authority to take action. In an effort to maintain the appearance of a diligent arbiter of the law, he meticulously followed protocol. Ultimately, he drafted the letter to NYSDOCCS but discovered he couldn’t send it. Consequently, I had to serve my entire sentence and was transferred to five additional facilities after my time in NYS concluded.

Being incarcerated during the Biden presidency is an experience that will stay with me forever. The violence, horror, and overwhelming lack of hope within our prison system are indescribable to those who haven’t lived through it. I wouldn’t expect or wish for anyone to truly understand.

It’s a reality I must accept, just like countless others, for the rest of my life.

Ultimately, selective prosecution must be addressed. I harmed no one and did nothing wrong.

On January 6th, I was following directions from law enforcement to head to the Capitol. It has now been confirmed that at least 26 FBI agents were present that day. Currently, they are resisting President Trump’s directive to disclose all names, which would help identify them in the crowd.

The core of the issue is that I’ve been politically persecuted. I haven’t harmed anyone, damaged anything, or stolen anything.

I have been unjustly accused despite having done nothing wrong.

I’ve lost four years of my life, a significant amount of money, most of my social circle, and much of my family.

The USAID-funded media spread false information about me, tarnishing my reputation. This has made it incredibly challenging to secure even a minimum wage job.

Thank You For Reading My Story.

-Fisher